The Federal Reserve’s blackout period begins today, silencing FOMC officials until after their July 29-30 FOMC meeting. No speeches, no interviews — just radio silence as markets wait for the next policy decision.

As a tradition, this is as quaint as it gets.

And is in stark contrast to the barrage of tweets from the White House.

So yeah, in the showdown between the “Too Slow” Vs. “Data-dependent” schools of thought, much has been made of Powell’s supposed resistance to political pressure — particularly from Trump.

He has been cast as the lone hand pushing back against a belligerent White House.

But is Powell truly the independent steward of monetary policy that he has often portrayed himself to be? Or is the idea of an independent central bank more fragile than we admit?

The premise — that Powell is apolitical — does not pass a simple fact-check

Take 2019: an election year with President Trump relentlessly pressuring the Fed to cut rates. Despite a relatively stable macro environment, Powell delivered 75 bps of cuts, branding them as a — nebulous sounding — “mid-cycle adjustment.” In an election year, that looked more like a tactical concession.

Cut to 2024 — another election year, another administration. The Fed kicked off with a chunky 50 bps cut, front-loading the easing cycle even as inflation risks lingered. This time, the political beneficiary was a Democratic White House.

To be clear, this isn’t only about Powell’s acts during election years.

With the rare exceptions of Paul Volker (1984) (who hiked aggressively to crush inflation) and William Martin (1960) (who tightened the US into a recession, possibly costing Nixon the election; have a look at the excerpt — see image — from Sebastian Mallaby’s book “The Man Who Knew: The Life and Times of Alan Greenspan” and you will understand that Martin may have even been physically intimidated by the President Johnson!), all past Fed Chairs had also cut rates during an election year.

Definite patterns like these suggest that central bankers, while nominally independent, often act with a keen eye on political timing.

To be clear again, this is not about partisanship — Powell’s actions appear politically symmetrical and not anchored to any ideology.

But that symmetry itself reinforces the point: independence, in practice, is conditional.

Central banks do not operate in vacuums or only within the ambit of a monetary policy — they operate within political, monetary, and fiscal realities.

The narrative of the lone, data-dependent policymaker is tidy.

But the reality?

Its bops you right on your face during an election year.

And looking ahead — with grim humour — the next Fed Chair may not even need to posture as “independent.”

The next Fed chair’s job description might well be reduced to something simple:

“On ye rests the duty to cut the Fed rate to a big, beautiful ZERO — and keep it there until we have a handle over our IOUs.

Thank you for your attention to this matter”

By

Avinash Menon, CFA

Founder and CEO,

52 Seconds Capital Limited

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From Teddy Roosevelt’s Bull Moose rebellion to Ross Perot’s Anti-Establishment plank, US history shows that third parties do not really break existing systems — they might at best create some fault lines.

As Musk toys with a new political experiment, it’s not really about whether he can build a swank new political machinery ground up (You and I believe he could do that and is in fact uniquely positioned ─ technologically ─ to do so), but whether he understands why all previous attempts have crumbled.

The uncomfortable truth?

America’s two-party duopoly is not an accident — it’s by design.

A constitutional design to be precise.

History and America’s electoral system suggest success is nearly impossible without engineering a seismic shift.

Here’s why:

1️⃣ Winner-Takes-All Electoral College

Unlike parliamentary systems, even 20% of the vote nationwide = 0 Electoral College votes unless you win states outright.

Example: Perot won 18.9% in 1992 but 0 EVs.

2️⃣ No Federal Funding Unless You Hit 5%

To qualify for public campaign funds, a party must secure 5%+ in the previous election—a catch-22 for new entrants.

3️⃣ Ballot Access Laws

Each state has different signature requirements—some demand hundreds of thousands just to appear.

… all factors which show up in the brutal math for “Third Parties”:

• 0 – Number of third-party presidential winners since 1860

• 0 – Third-party candidates who won any EV’s since 1968 (when Wallace won 46 and nearly forced a Contingent Election)

• 5% – Vote threshold needed to qualify for federal funding next cycle

Let’s stay with this and understand why “Third Parties” have at best succeeded sometimes only in rewriting the end game:

1️⃣1844: Liberty Party’s 2.3% in NY cost Clay the election, handing victory to Polk.

2️⃣2000: Remember the Florida Cliffhanger? Nader’s 97,488 Florida votes swung the elections towards Bush (Bush’s final margin over Gore was 537 votes)

3️⃣2016: Stein + Johnson’s 5.1% exceeded Trump’s margin in MI, WI, PA.

Now, if Musk wants his “America Party ” to not just play spoilsport-in-chief or fade ─ as history shows ─ but to matter, he must narrow his focus and pick:

1. One of 4 prize states (and ignore the battleground states altogether) ─ California, Texas, Florida, or NY

2. A single wedge issue ─ a Centrist plank ─ that resonates with a potential voter base (Single wedge issues have worked in the past despite sounding stupid ─ while not the most wholesome example: Thurmond won 4 states, in 1948, by advocating racial segregation).

(And you thought polarization is a present-day phenomenon)

And yes, there has been the rare outright success as well.

Musk does not have to look beyond the party in power itself:

The Republican Party was the last “Third Party” to replace an existing major party … in 1856.

And that transformation required:

• A nation divided over slavery

• The collapse of the Whig Party

• A looming civil war

For now, Musk has a mountain to move.

By

Avinash Menon, CFA

Founder and CEO,

52 Seconds Capital Limited

Other New Articles